> Map the influence networks around this docket from federal register NRC-2025-0379

The docket NRC-2025-0379 most likely maps to the NRC's "Licensing Requirements for Microreactors and Other Reactors With Comparable Risk Profiles" proposed rule (FR doc C1-2026-08550). Let me confirm and pull the lobbying network around microreactor licensing.# Battlefield: NRC-2025-0379 ("Licensing Requirements for Microreactors and Other Reactors With Comparable Risk Profiles")

The docket maps to NRC's proposed rule on microreactor licensing — published in the Federal Register as doc C1-2026-08550, "Licensing Requirements for Microreactors and Other Reactors With Comparable Risk Profiles." This is the NRC's risk-graded licensing framework that microreactor developers (and their utility customers) have been pushing toward via Part 53 / ADVANCE Act implementation.

Legislative vehicles running parallel to the rulemaking:

• NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2025 — NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2025 (House, ref'd to Energy & Commerce 2025-06-25). Companion to NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2025 in EPW. Both are zero-cosponsor message bills creating a public-participation office inside NRC — the institutional counterweight to industry-favored streamlining. Predecessors NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2024 and NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2023 also went nowhere, signaling the public-participation flank lacks champions.
• The dominant industry push is appropriations + NRC-modernization language inside FY26/FY27 Energy & Water bills, and implementation language attached to H.R. 1 ("One Big Beautiful Act"), H.R. 1042 (Russian Uranium Imports), and ADVANCE Act follow-on — per the Q1 2026 LDA filings below.

Industry coalition lobbying NRC licensing in Q1 2026:

• NUCLEAR ENERGY INSTITUTE NEI — Nuclear Energy Institute (NEI), $50,000 Q1 2026, explicitly lobbying both chambers on "the budget and operations of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission" and HALEU/LEU fuel supply.
• TERRAPOWER, LLC — TerraPower, LLC (Bill Gates–backed Natrium developer), $80,000 + $200,000 expense activity Q1 2026 on "facility licensing at the Nuclear Regulatory Commission" and ADVANCE Act / IIJA / IRA implementation. Lobbying DOE + DOC + both chambers.
• NUSCALE POWER, LLC — NuScale Power, LLC, registered 2025 on "nuclear energy production."
• NUCLEAR ENERGY INSTITUTE FEDERAL POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE / NUCLEAR ENERGY INSTITUTE FEDERAL POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE — Nuclear Energy Institute Federal PAC, the dollars-to-members arm, with Nuclear Energy Institute Inc (NEI 501(c)(6), EIN 52-1209124) as its connectedorgof sponsor.

Threats (to streamlined microreactor licensing)

• NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2025 / NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2025 are the institutional threat — a statutory "Office of Public Engagement and Participation" inside NRC would slow risk-graded licensing by formalizing intervenor capacity. But neither bill has a listed sponsor in the corpus, neither has a single cosponsor, and who_matters_for_bill and who_influences_bill both returned zero influencers — meaning no LDA filer in our mirror has named either bill as an issue. The opposition is structurally absent.
• The Oregon state vector is alive though: Allows the siting and operation of a small modular reactor energy facility without requiri, Allows the siting and operation of a small modular reactor energy facility without requiri, Allows the siting and operation of a small modular reactor energy facility without requiri, Allows the siting and operation of a small modular reactor energy facility without requiri, Allows the siting and operation of a small modular reactor energy facility without requiri — five Oregon bills attempting to waive (or, in symmetric versions, preserve) the high-level-waste-repository and voter-approval preconditions for SMR siting. Whatever NRC does federally, Oregon's pre-emption fight is the proxy battle.

Opportunities (the targets industry money is already cultivating)

NEI FedPAC's outbound contributions in the cycle running into the comment window read like a target list for NRC-licensing congressional cover:

• JOHNSON, JAMES MICHAEL — Speaker Mike Johnson, $5,000 (2026-02-25).
• Emmer, Tom — Majority Whip Tom Emmer, $5,000 twice (2025-09-18 and 2026-02-25).
• Hagerty, Bill — Sen. Bill Hagerty (R-TN), $5,000 twice — TVA-state senator, EPW-adjacent leverage.
• Pallone, Frank — Rep. Frank Pallone (D-NJ), $5,000 — ranking Dem on Energy & Commerce, the committee where NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2025 is sitting. NEI buying access to the Democrat who would have to champion the opposing bill is the single most telling edge in this network.
• Guthrie, Brett — Rep. Brett Guthrie, $5,000 — Energy & Commerce chair.
• Castor, Kathy — Rep. Kathy Castor (D-FL), $5,000 — bipartisan posture.
• LaHood, Darin — Rep. Darin LaHood, $5,000.

Surprising connections

• NEI is funding both sides of the Energy & Commerce gavel. JOHNSON, JAMES MICHAEL (Speaker Johnson — R), Guthrie, Brett (Chair Guthrie — R), AND Pallone, Frank (Ranking Member Pallone — D) all received $5K from NUCLEAR ENERGY INSTITUTE FEDERAL POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE in the same window — bracketing the committee that holds NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2025 in stasis.
• GRAE, SETH — Seth Grae (CEO of Lightbridge Corp, an advanced nuclear fuel developer) personally cut NEI FedPAC a check on 2025-11-03. Executive-level cross-funding into the trade association's PAC while his own company benefits from the rulemaking.
• SUCHODOLSKI, VICTOR — Victor Suchodolski is NEI FedPAC's single largest individual donor in the cycle ($5,000, 2025-10-26).
• TerraPower appears in our corpus as BOTH a lobbying_client (TERRAPOWER, LLC) and a lobbying_firm (TERRAPOWER, LLC) — the company has its own in-house registered lobbyists alongside outside counsel, an unusually heavy footprint for a pre-revenue reactor developer.
• The "public engagement" reform bills NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2025 / NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2025 have zero LDA filings naming them and zero cosponsors — the public-interest side is not organized in the federal lobbying record. That's the gap.

Recommended next moves

1. Pull the actual NRC-2025-0379 comment docket on regulations.gov and cross-reference commenter names against the LDA client list above — TerraPower, NuScale, NEI, and Lightbridge are near-certain commenters; look for utilities (Southern, Duke, TVA, Energy Northwest) who don't yet appear in our lobbying mirror.
2. Run top_donors_for_member on Pallone, Frank (Pallone) and Guthrie, Brett (Guthrie) — the E&C gavel-holders sitting on NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2025. NEI's $5K is a floor; mapping their full nuclear-industry exposure tells you the ceiling.
3. Dig lobbying_filings_for_org on NUSCALE POWER Corp (NuScale Power Corp) and the TERRAPOWER, LLC vs TERRAPOWER, LLC TerraPower split to see if the in-house registrant lobbied the rule directly.
4. Identify who would carry the public-participation flank — there is no sponsor in our record for NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2025 or NRC Office of Public Engagement and Participation Act of 2025. That's a story in itself: the proceduralist counterweight to NRC streamlining has no congressional champion in cycle 2026.